June 2, 2005
FRENCH 'NON' CLOUDS FUTURE OF EU INTEGRATION
KEY FINDINGS
** Rejecting new EU
constitution, French voters "changed politics" and stalled EU
integration.
** Disdain for Chirac and
"reaction against social and global insecurity" propelled
"non" vote.
** "Diminished"
by result, Chirac reacted with a "defensive" reshuffling of
cabinet.
MAJOR THEMES
'The End of Illusions'--
Editorialists termed French voters' rejection of a new EU constitution
"a political earthquake" that will probably "stall the
unification drive" in the EU. Given
its status as a "founding member and engine of the EU," France dealt
the "European construct" a "severe setback." France is "not just any old founding
member of the EU," said Luxembourg's socialist Tageblatt, and its
'non' "will have to be reckoned with." Optimistic dailies like the Czech Republic's
center-right Pravo called the vote "a mishap but not a
tragedy" and insisted that "integration is, and will remain, the fate
of Europe if it intends to survive in the modern world." Other writers lamented that the EU had no
"plan B" and averred that many EU leaders did not "know where to
go" now. Euroskeptic British
dailies, in contrast, lampooned the constitution as "an incomprehensible,
self-indulgent tome that has been mercifully put down" and asserted that
"any future treaty that attempts to deepen integration has not a hope in
hell of being ratified."
'Fear has manifested itself'--
Writers opined that disenchantment with Chirac was a major factor behind
the "non" vote. With
unemployment and insecurity the "leitmotif," one editorialist stated,
the French voted "not so much against the constitution as against the
government they are sick and tired of."
The electorate feared the effects of further EU integration and
expansion--exemplified by the "ubiquitous Polish plumber" who works
for lower wages and the prospect of Turkish accession. Voters rejected further drift from their
social-welfare-oriented model towards "a frenzy" of neoliberal
"hypercapitalism." The
referendum "brutally revealed the extent to which France has been unable
to adapt itself to modernity," observed Belgium's left-of-center Le
Soir. Another leftist Euro outlet
agreed that the result had laid bare "a country...deeply
divided...fearful, and mistrustful of its own political leaders."
Chirac 'limps on'-- Analysts
agreed that the "bruising" referendum defeat left French President
Chirac "diminished" and "weakened." They characterized Chirac's replacement of
Prime Minister Raffarin with the "loyal" Dominique de Villepin, and
his decision to bring political rival Nicolas Sarkozy back into the cabinet, as
"a defensive reaction" to buy time while offering voters "an
illusion of change." As Israel's
left-leaning Ha'aretz saw it, "France's pretensions to lead
Europe...as a counterweight to the Anglo-Saxon axis" of Britain and the
U.S. "have been badly damaged."
Having lost one "wheel," commentators speculated that the
Paris-Berlin "axis" would be wounded.
As for the U.S., France's left-of-center Liberation spoke for
many by suggesting Washington was not unhappy to see the referendum fail, as no
one in Washington "wants to see the emergence" of a European power to
rival the U.S.
Prepared by Media Reaction Branch (202) 203-7888,
rmrmail@state.gov
EDITOR: Steven Wangsness
EDITOR'S NOTE: Media
Reaction reporting conveys the spectrum of foreign press sentiment. Posts select commentary to provide a
representative picture of local editorial opinion. Some commentary is taken directly from the
Internet. This report summarizes and
interprets foreign editorial opinion and does not necessarily reflect the views
of the U.S. Government. This analysis
was based on 64 reports from 25 countries May 30 - June 1, 2005. Editorial excerpts are listed from the most
recent date.
EUROPE
BRITAIN: "Europe Must
Keep Its 'Soft Power'"
Carl Bildt, former prime minister of Sweden wrote in the
independent Financial Times (6/1):
"The lesson of the referendum in France and the debates elsewhere
is not that enlargement should be abandoned but that it should be anchored in a
more open and democratic debate.... We
cannot go further and faster than the citizens of Europe are prepared to
tolerate--but we should recognize the fundamental difference in a capitulation
to populism. It is leadership that is
called for if abandonment of the soft power of Europe and a slide into
instability are to be avoided."
"Chirac Turns To A Crony"
The conservative Daily Telegraph editorialized (6/1): "After his bruising defeat on Sunday,
Mr. Chirac should have resigned.
Instead, having made [Prime Minister] Jean-Pierre Raffarin his
scapegoat, he will limp on with an unelected enarque as his (new) prime
minister, pursuing retrogressive policies and hoping to salvage something of
his reputation. Meanwhile, armed with
the UMP machine and, probably, a ministerial portfolio, his chief rival waits
to pounce. It is a striking illustration
of Enoch Powell's dictum that all political careers end in failure."
"Europe Hasn't Quite Run Out Of Hope"
Ferdinand Mount had this to say in the conservative Daily
Telegraph (6/1): "A Yes vote in
France would have compelled Britain to hold a vote, and our inevitable No vote
would have enabled the French to go on saying that only the perverted British
failed to understand the beauties of a social Europe. Now we are all in it together. And even the most disdainful Eurocrat can see
that any future treaty that attempts to deepen integration has not a hope in
hell of being ratified."
"M. Chirac's Pain Is Not Necessarily Britain's Gain"
The center-left Independent commented (5/31): "While the 'period of reflection'
announced by President Chirac may see Mr. Blair safely through the six months
of Britain's EU presidency, it also holds the danger of further strife. At present, British ministers are presenting
the French 'No' as a rejection of the very aspects of the EU that concern
them. But the 'No' was largely a rejection
of those features of the treaty that British ministers most prize: the looser union of sovereign states, the
primacy of the free market; deregulation and competition."
"Chance For A More Realistic View Of Europe"
The conservative Daily Telegraph editorialized (5/31): "The French and Germans have, by hard
work, made themselves prosperous. But,
in today's global marketplace, nations cannot then rest on their laurels
without paying a severe price--in this case, unemployment levels of around 10
percent. The poorer European newcomers,
let alone America and the tiger economies of Asia, will not wait for them. That is the bracing lesson that Britain
should drive home."
"Fear Eats The Soul"
The left-of-center Guardian remarked (5/31): "Europe may be in turmoil over the
future of the EU's constitutional treaty, but France is in profound and
unprecedented shock. For all the opinion
polls predicting a no victory in the final week of a passionate if often misleading
referendum campaign, the actual result lays bare a picture of a country that is
deeply divided, ill-at-ease, fearful, and mistrustful of its own political
leaders."
"When Negative Is Positive"
The conservative Times took this view (5/31): "The European 'constitution' was a
document doomed by the hubris of its drafters, who were supposed to bring the
EU closer to its citizens, but created an incomprehensible, self-indulgent tome
that has been mercifully put down by the people of France. The 'constitution' is dead. Long live the constitution."
"EU Must Conjure A Victory From France's Lost
Referendum"
The independent Financial Times concluded (5/31): "The EU constitutional treaty is
desirable but not the greatest prize on offer.
It would even be worth the EU struggling on with the clumsy arrangements
of the treaty of Nice, provided a real push for economic reform arises from the
wreckage of the past weekend."
FRANCE: "Washington
Has Yet To Forgive"
Philippe Gelie wrote in right-of-center Le Figaro
(6/1): “Washington’s polite
congratulations fool no one. Since that
fateful day in February when at the UNSC de Villepin opposed the war in Iraq
with staunch conviction, he has become America’s bête noire.... The episode left its mark in the U.S. De Villepin’s heated speech elicited little
admiration in the U.S., both because of form and content.... But behind the man, what the Americans
rejected was a policy. Since then,
rancor has subsided and FM Barnier was able to start on a different footing
with Secretary Rice. But suspicion over
France’s intentions towards America remains.
Last evening the U.S. indicated it was ready to work with the new prime
minister, but made it clear it did not forget his opposition to the war in
Iraq.”
"The ‘Yes’ Camp On The Attack"
Alexandre Adler observed in right-of-center Le Figaro
(6/1): “Hate for the U.S., or anything
of the sort, must not be the cement that can federate Europe.... The cement of the Franco-German relationship
cannot be the rejection of President Bush and his politics. It must be made of the determination to adopt
the same avenues as those of America: an
energetic industrial policy with research as its main goal and the construction
of a common military force.”
"Courage"
Michel Schifres argued in right-of-center Le Figaro
(6/1): “Since, after the victory of the
‘no,’ political conditions are not at their best, let us show some
determination and daring. De Villepin
lacks neither.”
"Incoherence And Contradictions"
Jean-Michel Thenard concluded in left-of-center Liberation
(6/1): “Chirac and Sarkozy share the
same talent for contradicting themselves....
But when it comes to being incoherent, Chirac is way ahead.... Past squabbles between Sarkozy and de
Villepin do not presage a happy end for this unnatural union. Chirac is perfectly aware of this. He is simply gaining some time while offering
the French an illusion of change that could soon trigger a dose of
rejection.... The French, exasperated by
10 years of Chirac’s rule, will have very little patience with de
Villepin. The man has allure and knows
how to talk, but no particular talent to overcome unemployment.”
"The Impasse"
Left-of-center Le Monde editorialized (5/31): “France’s ‘no’ is no accident.... Through a rejection of the treaty a majority
of the French is saying it does not want or no longer wants Europe. So much so that it took the risk of weakening
France’s position.... This vote was
organized by a man who may go down in history as a sort of Dr. Strangelove of
politics, who used or misused against his own interests the dissolution of the
National Assembly and the referendum....
Europe is a fragile construction which, we may soon learn, is also
reversible.... But the victory of the
‘no’ is the victory of a protest vote, with at its center the insufferable
unemployment rate...which other countries such as the UK and Scandinavian
countries have been able to bring down....
The left could well be paralyzed by its own internal divisions.... The right is strengthened by the fact that 80
percent of its electorate voted ‘yes.’
Chirac has not put his mandate in the ballot. The National Assembly majority is not
threatened. It is therefore unrealistic
to call for his resignation. But the
question remains: what is the political
answer to the ‘no’ expressed by a majority of the French? However one wants to interpret this wave of
protest, it means that the French system, whether exception or model, just does
not work.”
"The Roots Of The ‘No’"
Alexis Bezet stated in right-of-center Le Figaro
(5/31): “The easy answer would be for
Chirac to react to those who suggest the Socialists’ call for a ‘no’ vote was
responsible for the victory of the ‘no’ and to shift his policy towards less
liberalism and a more social model....
But this would mean ignoring the many reasons behind the ‘no’ vote,
including fear of too much liberalism and of Turkey.... The more significant clue is that behind
every voter who voted ‘no’ lies his fear of unemployment.... If this proves to be ‘the’ reason, the
solution will be up to the next prime minister.... Our country is in a crisis and the ‘no’ vote
will give wings to most unions.
Raffarin’s successor will have to find a middle road between
facilitating liberal initiatives and solidarity. Impossible?
Maybe, but necessary.”
"Lost Illusions"
Serge July observed in left-of-center Liberation
(5/31): “France suffers from record
unemployment and record taxes. The truth
is that France’s political class is stumped and that governments come and
go. The politicians’ ability is in
question...and mediocrity has surfaced....
For over 20 years, if not 30, the easy way out has been to maintain the
status quo, to strengthen lobbies and unions and to operate only marginal
changes, which are imposed rather than decided.... The ‘no’ vote looks like a protective
reaction against social, urban and global insecurity.... But those who voted ‘no’ have just disarmed
us. And those who think Europe will give
us another chance will be harshly disillusioned.”
"The Weak Link"
Brunot Frappat argued in Catholic La Croix (5/31): “Of all the reasons raised to explain the
victory of the ‘no’ none can explain its magnitude, except unemployment and the
leitmotif of: ‘it’s Europe’s
fault...’ There are a million reasons
behind the ‘no’ vote and no single political party can claim responsibility for
its victory. Today, is Europe better off
than France? The weak link unavoidably
weakens the entire chain.... The
scaffold of Europe’s construction has fallen.
We must pick it up and give back to Europe its original grandeur. Otherwise, why build it?”
"The Price Of The ‘No’"
Alexis Bezet wrote in right-of-center Le Figaro
(5/30): “Chirac has lost his wager. His authority over his own party will be
diminished.... A third term for Chirac
is highly improbable.... Who will be the
next prime minister? Already inside
political battles are emerging. The
paradox would be if, after this vote which the governing majority has indeed
lost, but which has re-enforced its unity in face of the Socialist Party’s
divisions, partisan quarrels were to lead to the loss of this advantage. It would mean paying twice for the loss to
the ‘no’.”
GERMANY: "Defensive"
Günter Nonnenmacher judged in center-right Frankfurter
Allgemeine (6/1): "Following
the lost referendum, President Chirac announced that he wanted to give politics
a 'strong impulse,' but the appointment of Dominique de Villepin as prime
minister looks like a defensive reaction.
The new man is one of the president's loyal supporters...and he is now
to help Chirac the last two years in office and prevent Nicolas Sarkozy,
Chirac's opponent in his own party, from dismantling the aging president even
more. This is not a convincing answer to
the concern of the French, who expressed mainly their anger and fear for social
and economic policy challenges with their 'non' to the EU constitution. De Villepin will be unable to turn the tide
with his elegance and eloquence, which is without doubt."
"Chirac's Weakness"
Gerd Kröncke noted in center-left Sueddeutsche Zeitung of
Munich (6/1): "The reshuffle of the
government was supposed to be a strike to free himself, but the president is
unable to hush up his own weakness with it.
In order to stay in power, he appointed a friend and a foe at the top of
the government. They will be busy with
improving the domestic mood, for the vote from Sunday was an expression of
distrust towards the president. With
Dominique de Villepin a man was moved up who is not very popular and who has
never faced elections, but who stood the test as former foreign minister in the
international arena. The president and
his new aide will have to regain the confidence, which France lost on Sunday. The country is weakened. Time will now tell the value of the entente
cordiale [between France and Germany] of the past decades. The term of the 'Franco-German engine' has
entered the vocabulary of the government leaders long ago.... The European solidarity of Germans towards
the neighbor on the other side of the Rhine is now necessary.... Despite the mishap on Sunday, the European
unification process will continue. It
will have to be repaired by all. The
alternative would be total resignation.
This task is all the more difficult because a weak chancellor must fight
for his re-election and a weak president in France is experiencing his final
stage. Nevertheless, one thing is
true: the French are not worse Europeans
than the citizens of all other 24 nations.
The French wanted to punish Chirac, and they took revenge because they
had to vote for him in the past elections against their will to prevent against
Jean Marie Le Pen. They succeeded...but
the victory over Chirac is a defeat for France and Europe. It is a poisoned victory."
"Rebellion In The Netherlands"
Ruth Reichstein commented in business daily Handelsblatt of
Duesseldorf (6/1): "Unlike in
France, the text of the constitution hardly plays a role in the Dutch
debate. They do not fear a liberal
economy like the French. On the
contrary, they are traditionally skeptical about state subsidies.... The Dutch resistance is also different from
the British debate--it has nothing to do with a principled Euroskepticism. The majority of the Dutch believes in
European integration, but desires a different tempo. They will put the brakes on the integration
to show that the political elite in The Hague and Brussels cannot do everything
with them.... Politicians of all larger
parties, who desperately try to support the constitution, are also to blame for
the negative image, because it had become a tradition in the Netherlands in
recent years to hold Brussels responsible for all decisions that had negative
effects on the country. And they notched
up things that went well for themselves.
Today, they are dealt the check for it."
"Cut To The Quick"
Günther Nonnenmacher had this to say in a front-page editorial in
center-right Frankfurter Allgemeine (5/31): "There is no doubt. The rejection of the...constitutional draft
in France is a political earthquake. It
will shake up French domestic policy, but it will also have a lasting influence
on the future of the European Union....
The French have not understood the enlargement to the East and its
political and economic effects.... It
was symptomatic to see the incredulous anger President Chirac showed when he
had to realize before the Iraq war that the former accession candidates dared
to question the Franco-German claim to lead the EU. The French are reacting with the same anger
that foreign workers are willing to worker longer for less money today. The debate over Turkey's accession was only
the straw that broke the camel's back....
Since the European project is for many Europeans about to lose its
effect by pursuing immoderate goals, they no longer back it; and this is a new
Euroskepticism, whose origin is based on disappointed love. Since this constitutional treaty did not fail
because of British or Danish resistance but because of French opposition, the
EU has been cut to the quick. A
government in Paris that is cornered will no longer be a moderator but a
country that will slow down the EU's development. The coming weeks will demonstrate this."
"Let's Hope For Holland"
Stefan Kornelius opined in an editorial in center-left Sueddeutsche
Zeitung of Munich (5/31): "This
vote in France has changed politics, even history. The large European founding nation France no
longer wants this Europe and it is likely that the small European founding
nation, Holland, will follow suit. And
the British will then hammer the final nails into this coffin. The question remains why the political elite
from the left and right camp has not succeeded in convincing the peoples of the
advantages of the constitution.... The
answer is: the naysayers prefer their
political everyday life over a philosophy that reconciles the peoples. Europe is too far away... too much a program
of minds than of hearts.... If the Dutch
change the trend on Wednesday, the laborious work for the Constitution would
not be totally in vain. But if the Dutch
also reject it, all imploring will be in vain and Europe will face its
worst-case scenario. The two key
nations--France and Germany--are incapable of acting. Germany will soon have elections, while the
French told their president that they would like to get rid of him, and
Britain's premier will not have the power to act as a savior.... All other nations do not have the corps
spirit, which has thus far helped overcome nationalism and inspired the
EU. This community is now too large and
can no longer be guided by emotions. It
is now coming back to haunt the EU that it was enlarged by 'using force' before
the statutes for the new association had been signed."
"The Axis Is Losing One Wheel"
Andreas Rinke had this to say in a front-page editorial in
business daily Handelsblatt of Duesseldorf (5/31): "Like no other government before, the
Schroeder government pinned its hopes on close Franco-German cooperation in
foreign and European policies. France
replaced the United States as Germany's main partner, much to the annoyance of
convinced transatlanticists. As far as
politics was concerned, this move has always been controversial and this policy
was backed as long as it proved to be successful like the presentation of the
constitutional draft. But after its
failure, Franco-German initiatives are saddled with a double burden: as of today, Schroeder and Chirac are
considered 'lame ducks.' In addition,
every joint proposal for closer European cooperation will be rejected by
opponents referring to the negative vote of the French. The really bad thing about it is: the new government leaders in Paris and
Berlin will not be able to change this, since Chirac will be in office until
2007."
ITALY: "The Three Sins
Of Arrogance"
Angelo Panebianco wrote in centrist, top-circulation Corriere
della Sera (5/31): “It was an act of
arrogance to present a complicated inter-governmental treaty whose utility was
to give order to the chaos of European rules...and to act as a buffer for the
more serious problems linked to enlargement....
Perhaps a more minimal approach would have deterred French...citizens
from lashing out against the treaty. If
we want to avoid an irreversible crisis in the EU, we mustn’t insist. We shouldn’t attempt to do things we’re not
yet ready for. In time and with calm, we
might be able to introduce...some significant integration...in the Nice
treaty. Those who intended to use the
treaty in order to force matters in the direction of a political Europe
dominated by the French-German axis, by making the former Communist countries
in Europe toe the line, also by getting rid of what the Gaullists’ have always
seen as the United States’ ‘Trojan horse’--meaning Great Britain--committed
political suicide.”
"The End Of Illusions"
Adriana Cerretelli observed in leading business daily Il
Sole-24 Ore (5/31): “Europe
continues. Its legal legitimacy is not
in question, but its political and democratic one is, clamorously so. Notwithstanding its undeniable successes,
this Europe is no longer liked by its citizens who don’t understand it. It generates fear and anguish rather than
security and economic well-being. Its
profuse expansion has spread disorientation and divisions between two Europes
that found themselves united, but are strangers. Worse yet, enlargement was mixed with the
assaults of globalization, the structural crisis of the welfare state, and five
years of quasi-recession.... There’s
only one truly positive thing in the French and other no’s: it forces Europe to throw away its mask, to
look at itself with realism, with no illusions.
But we don’t know where it’s going.
For sure, its hands will be tied in the short term.”
RUSSIA: "Chirac’s
‘Spiritual Heir’ Made Prime Minister"
Yuriy Kovalenko filed from Paris for reformist Izvestiya
(6/1): “Chirac has chosen de Villepin
contrary to the wishes of a majority of the population, who would rather see
Sarkozy as prime minister. Although
discredited as a result of the referendum, the 72-year old President wants to
show that he is control.”
"Too Early To Tell"
Yuliya Petrovskaya said in centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta
(6/1): “Aristocrat de Villepin is a
striking personality with presidential ambitions. His victory in 2007 would guarantee the
continuity of Chirac’s policy of a special partnership with Moscow. But it is too early to tell whether he will
be named Chirac’s heir.”
"Europeans Opposed To ‘Apex Of Power’"
Reformist Izvestiya editorialized (5/31): “By rejecting the Constitution, the French
protested not so much against integration per se, as against the
bureaucratization of European institutions and the growing regulation of
everyday life. Plainly speaking, they
protested against an ‘apex of power.’”
"Non"
Business-oriented Vedomosti editorialized (5/31): “The French...voted not so much against the
Constitution as against the government they are sick and tired of. That done, they may want now to discuss what
they expect from the EU and European integration and whether united Europe is
on the right track. The French
referendum may be a sign of Old Europe beginning to lose interest in
integration. With the admission of many
new members, EU pioneers feel like they wouldn’t mind becoming independent
again. The time when EU countries sought
rapprochement at the expense of sovereignty must be over. Now they are less enthusiastic about sharing
authority with Brussels and, with time, they may even want to get some of it
back. The vote outcome, unfortunate to
Brussels officials, will make them pay attention to the basic aims of
unification, which they seem to forget.
Small wonder that the current Constitution is finding no support in
France--rather than resolving differences inside the EU, it merely offers a
compromise. The French referendum is a
graphic example of a nation refusing to toe a line. It is a vote against a bureaucratic approach
to state matters within and without.”
AUSTRIA: "Brussels Does
Not Have A Concept"
Alexandra Föderl-Schmid commented in independent Der Standard
(6/1): "The fact that Chirac now
wants to make [EU Commission President Jose Manuel] Barroso the scapegoat
simply shows that the buck is being passed on.
Barroso could now turn around and blame Chirac for even calling the
referendum. However, this would do no
one any good, for mutually attributing guilt is no way out of the crisis. The fact that no 'Plan B' was set up now
shows its consequences. It is hard to
believe that nobody considered alternatives in case one state or another did
not vote for the constitution. After
all, it is common practice in a democracy that the population's decisions do
not always reflect their government's wishes.... France's rejection poses the question of
whether Europe needs a different policy and a new organizational structure to
win back European voters. It is not
enough simply to answer the question of what should be done after the referenda
in France and the Netherlands. What is
needed is a vision of Europe that can be communicated better to the
citizens. Everything ought to be turned
upside down. What is worrying is that
the actions of those with political
responsibility show they do not know where to go with Europe, and have no
concepts for the future."
"Stuck in A Rut -- No New Impulses"
Rudolf Blamer wrote in independent Salzburger Nachrichten
(6/1): "Dominique de Villepin is
President Jacques Chirac's last chance to block the way to the presidency for
his rival Nicholas Sarkozy in 2007. And
this is exactly why the latter does not want to leave the whole territory to
new Prime Minister de Villepin. He wants
to be in the strategically best place:
to remain boss of the governing UMP and have a foot in government at the
same time. For its crisis management
after the referendum debacle on Sunday, France now gets not just two enemy
(Gallic) brothers, but a trio: Chirac
and his head of government will have to share power with the very ambitious and
omnipresent Sarkozy. An important
question is whether such a trio is the best solution for a country that doubts
its future and identity and which the referendum campaign brought almost to the
point of a popular uprising against the ruling elite. Under the best of assumptions, de Villepin
with his great rhetoric and Sarkozy with his activism might succeed in making
an impression on their audience and gain more time."
"Europe Is Not Lost"
Gerfried Sperl noted in independent Der Standard
(5/31): "The EU crisis, announced
in many headlines on Monday, is evident.
Brussels wanted ratification of the constitution to be the first step
toward the creation of a federal state, but now it cannot take this step. Some say we already have it, with the euro,
with the European elections, with binding decisions by the Commission. Others claim even a ratification of the
constitution would leave the national states with a high degree of
sovereignty. True, but not as much as
they once had. So, Europe is heading
toward self-assertion by national states--in the French manner. This means consolidation as a union of
states--an economic union with troops for military intervention and
parliamentary legitimacy. In September, a
German vote for Angela Merkel as Chancellor could complete the French rejection
of the EU constitution. Europe will
remain what it is. And therefore, it is
not lost."
BELGIUM: "France Has
Become An Immobile Country"
Paris correspondent Joelle Meskens observed in left-of-center Le
Soir (6/1): “Sunday’s referendum has
brutally revealed the extent to which France has been unable to adapt itself to
modernity. France has become an immobile
country, both in space and in time. In
space, because nothing that takes place out of France’s borders can be better
than the famous and sacrosanct 'French model'--although the latter no longer
works. It is also immobile in time, as
France only seems to discover globalization whereas many other countries have
understood that it was no longer a question of contesting it but of regulating
it.”
"The ‘Non’ Country"
Former Paris correspondent Mia Doornaert remarked in
Christian-Democrat De Standaard (6/1): “After the French 'non' to the EU
Constitution, French President Jacques Chirac has appointed the man who said
'non' to the United States as prime minister.”
"France Voted No To An Enlarged Europe"
Bernard Delattre opined in independent La Libre Belgique
(5/31): “Of course, one should not
criticize Chirac’s decision to organize a referendum. Although his decision was mainly motivated by
domestic political considerations, it was largely justified given what was at
stake and given France’s status of founding member and engine of the EU. In addition, Chirac’s decision led to a very
democratic debate in France, which might inspire several countries that are
lecturing others. But what one cannot
forgive the French President for is that, in 10 years, he let the condition and
the morale of his country decline to such an extent that a referendum on any
subject would have turned into a sanction vote.
Chirac should be blamed for not having seen--or for having refused to
see--the risks to which he subjected not only his image, his political party,
and his country--which, after all, would only be France’s problem--but also the
EU, i.e. hundreds of millions of people.
Incompetence or irresponsibility?
One does not know yet.”
CZECH REPUBLIC: "A
Mishap, Not A Tragedy"
Jiri Hanak commented in the center-right Pravo (5/30): "For the EU, this is a mishap, but not a
tragedy. Similar troubles had to be
resolved in its past.... The
introduction of the Euro did not go smoothly either.... Europe has managed to resolve all crises, and
will, no doubt, resolve this one as well.
Integration is, and will remain, the fate of Europe if it intends to
survive in the modern world and play a dignified role.... The French grouping of naysayers is so politically
diverse that with a few changes the EU Constitution in two years could pass in
France. Integration cannot be stopped
permanently if Europe means to avoid nationalistic excesses."
HUNGARY: "Thanks To
The French People"
Noted liberal political thinker Miklos Gaspar Tamas held in
liberal-leaning Magyar Hirlap (6/1):
"When the public of the world turned against the neo-conservative,
ultraliberal consensus and the globalization, many people said it was
anti-Americanism. By now it has become
clear that important parts of European public opinion have turned against our
own neo-conservative, ultraliberal plan, the draft of the European
constitution, so that term [of anti-Americanism] does not apply.... The voters in France did not vote against
'Europe,' but rather against changing the so far more or less social democratic
(Keynesian, planning, easing and counterbalancing social conflicts)
Europe. They were not against all kinds
of change, but only against making hypercapitalism the law. A European person can only rejoice over
that."
"Fear"
Columnist Endre Aczel wrote in center-left Nepszabadsag
(5/31): "The 'constitution debate'
has mobilized--and divided--all of France.
Fear has manifested itself with elementary force. Fear of globalization, fear of American
dominance, fear of competition from Eastern Europe, fear of the Turks, fear of
liberalism taking over the continent and fear that there would be no government
left to appropriately protect jobs, the rights of workers/employees, the
acquired rights of farmers, and, primarily, the social prerequisites."
LUXEMBOURG: "A ‘Non’
Heavy With Consequences"
Co-editor-in-chief Danièle Fonck commented in socialist daily Tageblatt
(5/30): “The European construct didn’t
die yesterday, but it did nonetheless suffer a severe setback. Whatever some European officials might say,
the fact is that France is not just any old founding member of the EU and the
[French] 'non' will have to be reckoned with.
If France’s partners show some tact, as one certainly hopes they will,
they will try to understand the message of a great, old European country and
tone down the European policies which are, by all evidence, excessively
liberal. But they will also have to
monitor the situation, in close cooperation with Paris, so that the briefly
open window does not close, which would put an end to what may be the last
chance for Europe to position itself [on the geopolitical stage].”
POLAND: "We Will Eat
The French Frog"
Marek Ostrowski wrote in center-left weekly Polityka
(6/1): “’We, the people of Europe.’ It turned out that there is no such thing as
the people of Europe. To build Europe
requires Europeans. In France, there are
too few of them.... The European Union
was born, but it is as mortal as any other mundane thing. In order to live and move on, it must have an
inner strength, energy and some direction.”
"The Birth Of A Political Europe"
Jedrzej Bielecki observed in centrist Rzeczpospolita
(5/30): “The French said ‘no’ because
they had had enough of a Europe where the most crucial decisions are made in
the privacy of offices, without consultation with voters, with not the
slightest effort to explain to them why the continent should be united.... For the third post-war generation, appeals
that integration is necessary to avoid conflicts will not suffice. The Union has entered so many key areas of
life that leaving it in the hands of Brussels bureaucrats is no longer
possible.... As of yesterday, we know
that Brussels’ powers will be restricted.
Despite this, a political Europe will emerge--a Europe where development
is determined by communities, not by technocrats.”
ROMANIA: "Democratic
Spirit"
Razvan Voncu commented in conservative Cronica Romana
(6/1/): "The EU is a region of
democracy and diversity, in which exercises such as the French referendum are
the rule rather than the exception.
Irrespective of its result, the referendum as such is a positive thing,
because it reinforces the democratic spirit of the continent. The construction of the EU is not to be done
by means of words or taps on the shoulder...but with documents.... The cause of the French rejection lies in the
European Constitution itself, a text which creates a state within a state--i.e.,
the Central European Bank--and which does not permit the Old Continent to be
able to develop its own strategic identity.
And you can’t ask the French tax-payer--the second most important one in
Europe--to fuel the budget of an institution over which it has no control, nor
can you expect him to work for the strategic objectives of NATO, meaning of the
U.S."
"EU Will Compromise"
Vlad Macovei penned this editorial in independent daily Cotidianul
(5/31): “Europe will find a
compromise. The Europeans are the best
at doing that, in comparison to their democratic neighbors, the
Americans.... They say Europe doesn’t
have a plan B. The current United Europe
is itself a plan B of the common denominators found after whole years of
explorations and negotiations, which resulted in kilometers of documents of
compromise.”
SPAIN: "Chirac's
Creature"
Left-of-center El País stated (6/1): "Dominique de Villepin's appointment as
new prime minister is not the most daring nor the best option for this moment
of crisis in both France and the EU after the 'no' vote on the European
Constitution. With de Villepin at
Matignon Palace, Chirac is keeping his options open.... Chirac doesn't feel (personally) much
affected for having called and lost a referendum.... The
Socialist Party is what really divided, and they are not in strong
enough to ask for an early electoral date....
The substitution of Prime Minister Raffarin...was going to happen even
if the 'yes' vote had won. Raffarin
wasn't able to impose the social and economic reforms that the country
needs. Since the opposition to these
reforms is one of the reasons for the categorical failure of the European
Constitution vote, it's not sure that de Villepin can carry on with
them.... Chirac is the one responsible
for big internal and external decisions, for fighting for postponed economic
reforms and for getting Europe out from this mess. With this gesture, Chirac didn't satisfy
anyone."
"Chirac Protects Himself With Villepin"
Independent El Mundo opined (6/1): "[De Villepin is a] diplomat,
intellectual, author of some books...one of Chirac's closest
collaborators. As minister of foreign
affairs, he confronted the U.S. over Iraq, which won't lend itself to an improvement
in the transatlantic relationship.
However, neither can it be expected that he will do his part for a new
pro-European effort to save the remains of the EU project. Because, above all, de Villepin is a
nationalist... Sarkozy represents a liberal
and reformist alternative that confronts the protectionist and social policy
that de Villepin will predictably undertake.
And, no less important, both men aspire to represent the right in the
presidential elections of 2007. France
is withdrawn in the defense of its own interests and in internal
fighting."
"Chirac In Difficulties"
Conservative ABC had this to say (6/1): "Dominique de Villepin's appointment as
prime minister was inevitable. Not only
for his absolute loyalty, but also for his absolute ambition. Chirac's weakness opens the elections for the
center-right candidate to the presidency of the Republic."
"The French Split"
Centrist La Vanguardia observed (5/31): "The split is not only political, but
also social.... It is, in short, an
alarm signal that...may cause a domino effect in other European countries. It is true that, technically, the process of
ratification of the Constitution is still open...and that in the end the chiefs
of state and government will evaluate the features along the way, but
politically the French setback, which the Dutch may follow tomorrow, may leave
the constitutional treaty at a dead end."
SWEDEN: "Setback But
Hardly A Crisis"
Conservative Svenska Dagbladet editorialized (5/31): “Things are problematic for the European
dream at present. Therefore, it is
important that those of us who believe in a strong and dynamic EU where
additional members are brought into the community do not despair but rather
regard the French referendum for what it is:
a serious, but temporary, setback of a historic, political, and economic
integration process, which until now has achieved quite a lot, although much
still remains to be done. There is no
realistic alternative to the EU if we want to secure peace in all of Europe, if
we want to have established trade rules that do not favor big countries at
smaller nations’ expense, and if we want to be able to handle the challenges of
internationalism against the traditional nation-state in our part of the
world.”
TURKEY: "One Threat
Has Passed"
Erdal Safak commented in mass-appeal Sabah (6/1): “With the French ‘no’ vote, the heart of the
European Constitution stopped beating.
Today’s referendum in the Netherlands will render it brain-dead. Some believe that the June 16 EU summit will
mark the official end of the European Constitution, while others expect the
process to continue until the last referendum is held. The address of the last referendum is of
course Britain. British PM Blair is
expected to make the most of this time, since Britain is also going to take
charge of the EU presidency as of July 1....
A growing number of editorials in the British press seems to agree on
one thing: the referendum result marked
the failure of French-German leadership and paved the way for the ‘British
model.’ The British model basically
envisages the EU as an economic union.
This makes things a lot easier for Turkey. But there is more good news for Turkey coming
from Paris. Chirac has appointed the
pro-Turkish Villepin for the prime ministershiop instead of Sarkozy, an
advocate of privileged partnership....
We can be calm about France, because Paris is likely pursue a low
profile in the period ahead. There seems
to be no other option available for France in the EU at this point. As The Financial Times has suggested, the
main question is not about who will be the new members of the EU, but rather
whether France will be allowed to remain as a member.”
"The Impact Of The French Referendum"
Melih Asik argued in mass-appeal Milliyet (6/1): “While Europe is in chaos after the
referendum result in France, the Turkish prime minister and foreign minister
remain calm. They repeatedly emphasize
that ‘the result of the referendum will not affect Turkey’s membership
process.’ If they are thinking that
‘Europe wouldn’t have agreed to Turkey’s membership anyway,’ then yes, Turkey
won’t be affected. Otherwise, one has to
be very ignorant to believe that Turkey won’t be affected. Turkey’s prospective membership was one of
the five reasons the French people rejected the constitution. The main reason for the rejection was the
fear of an increase in unemployment because of cheaper labor being brought in
from Turkey. In short, Turkey’s
membership will affect Europe’s decision, and to think that this result is not
going to affect Turkey is just insane.”
"Europe’s Future"
Sami Kohen observed mass-appeal Milliyet (5/31): “The result of the French referendum,
regardless of the motives for the no vote, is a political tremor that will shake
not only France, but the entire EU very deeply.
The immediate impact of the no vote will be on the Chirac
administration. It is obvious that the
time has come for French politicians to revise their policies by paying more
attention to the voice of the people.
France is heading into a painful period.... The result of the French referendum is to
make the EU Constitution a dead letter....
All of this, and the lack of a proper Plan B in the EU, brings the EU to
the brink of a painful and controversial process. It is unlikely that the EU will
dissolve. But it is also unlikely that
the EU will experience any further progress from its current point. In other words, the EU will never be a real
political union. The result of the
French referendum also puts the integration process to an end. In the period ahead, France’s influence in
the Union will certainly be decreased.
We might even see a British-German axis to replace the current
German-French axis.”
MIDDLE EAST
ISRAEL: "The Lessons
Of The Referendum"
Independent, left-leaning Ha'aretz editorialized
(6/1): "Whatever the reasons [of
the French rejection of the European Union's constitutional treaty], the
outcome was rejection of the goal of a 'United States of Europe,' and
sanctification of the traditional value of the nation-state.... Additionally, France's pretensions to lead
Europe, partly as a counterweight to Germany and partly alongside Germany as a
counterweight to the Anglo-Saxon axis of Britain and the United States, have
been badly damaged.... A 'no' vote can
express anger at those in power and seizure of an opportunity to harass them,
more than genuine opposition to the issue at hand."
"Weakened EU Is Nothing To Cry About In Jerusalem"
Diplomatic correspondent Herb Keinon wrote in conservative,
independent Jerusalem Post (6/1):
"It is likely...that the stinging rejection of the EU constitution
in France on Sunday, and the likelihood that the Dutch will follow suit and
vote no to the constitution in their referendum Wednesday, is not being
lamented this week in the [Israeli] prime minister's office.... A weaker EU is perceived in the current
corridors of power to be in Israel's short-term interest--although no one, for
obvious reasons, will go on record saying this.
Israel likes the current unipolar world, where the U.S., led by a very
friendly president and administration, calls the international shots.... An EU united by a constitution would--at
least politically--mean a strengthened EU, a major force on the world scene
that would, in a matter of time, see itself as America's equal on the
international stage. A much-strengthened
EU would indeed be able to demand a seat on near-equal footing with the U.S.
around the Middle East negotiating table.
Sharon doesn't want this to happen, but rather prefers the EU's 'junior
partner' status. Sunday's French vote,
moreover, put to rest any notion of the EU as a cohesive unit able to act by
consensus. In various international
forums, the EU's 'rule by consensus' redounds unfavorably for Israel."
EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC
CHINA (MACAU SAR): "EU
Constitution Faces Huge Crisis"
The pro-PRC Chinese-language Macau Daily News editorialized
(5/31): "The rejection of the EU
constitution by France will lead Europe to endless stagnation. The EU's value will also be questioned. After three years of careful negotiations,
the new EU constitution has almost come to a halt.... Even if the situation takes a positive turn,
the EU may still have to face a brief period of chaos, uncertainty and mutual
recriminations. The immediate impact of
the France's rejection of the EU constitution is to prevent an agreement in
June. If the EU cannot reach an
agreement as scheduled, the extra assistance to the new member states will be
delayed. In the long term, progress
toward European unification of Europe will be delayed. European political figures may even reject
Turkey--comparatively poor and Muslim--from joining the EU."
JAPAN: "Impact of
French Decision"
Liberal Asahi argued (5/31): "It is understandable that many people
of the European community are concerned about the rapid progress of European
integration. A high unemployment rate, which
was partly caused by the growing influx of cheap labors from former central and
east European nations, seems to have exacerbated the French people's anxiety
about the potential negative impact of the accelerating unification in Europe. The success of the EU would be the basis for
peace and prosperity in the post WWII Europe.
European nations need to patiently promote the ongoing consolidation
despite the vote by the French people."
"Europe Faces Big Challenge"
Business-oriented Nikkei had this to say (5/31): "The EU seems to face the biggest
challenge in its 50-year history in the wake of French rejection of the EU
constitution. Paris' failure to approve
the charter will likely stall the unification drive among EU members. However, it is too early to think that
European nations will choose breakup rather than integration after the French
decision because they have successfully narrowed a series of differences in the
past. The French people did not said 'non'
to the European Union but expressed their concern over the swift process of
unification."
SOUTH KOREA: "EU Fails
To Establish Joint Constitution"
The independent Joong-Ang Ilbo editorialized (5/31): “As France, which has led the move toward
European integration, rejected a constitution for Europe on Sunday, the
European Union (EU) faces a major crisis in its effort to achieve political
unity. It is highly likely that the EU
will enter a period of uncertainty over its future course and potential inactivity. The French decision to reject the European
constitution has a different meaning from the crises that the EU faced in the
past. Given that France has been the
symbol of bolstering European integration, the result of the French referendum
poses a very strong question of whether the EU can overcome this very difficult
political barrier or not. Since the
structural framework of the EU was established in the Nice Agreement, the
integration of European countries will not be jeopardized by the French rejection. Also, as more than half of Europeans have
already agreed to the adoption of a European constitution, the will to achieve
European unity is strong. However, the
French vote has shown that the EU needs more time to achieve military and
political integration, although it has succeeded in creating a unified market
since the establishment of the European Economic Council (EEC) in 1957.”
THAILAND: "France’s
‘No’ Vote Sends EU Reeling"
The independent, English-language Nation concluded
(5/31): “The resounding rejectionist
vote is a wake-up call for France’s Chirac government and the EU as a
whole. In a way, it is understandable
for French citizens to vote against the treaty.
The influence of France, one of six founding EU members, has definitely
been on the wane with advent of the bloc, which now comprises 25 countries with
a combined population of 454 million.
Widespread economic anxiety--made worse by the integration of new,
poorer member states--and discontent with the French government’s lackluster
performance may have contributed more to the decisively negative constitutional
vote than previously thought.... But
this is not the end of the EU. Several key treaties like those agreed on at
Maastricht and Nice will continue to serve as fallback positions for the EU to
continue its integration. Of course,
falling short of resoundingly unified support for the constitution, this will
inevitably be a long and drawn-out process, which may not be a completely bad
thing.”
SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA
INDIA: "Going
Dutch?"
The centrist Asian Age noted (6/1): “The European Constitution’s fate is in
jeopardy although it is being claimed by many of its 25 members, nine of whom
have already ratified the treaty, that it is not yet a dead letter and can
still be made to work.... The French
decision has also put in jeopardy the chances of a few more nations like
Turkey, Estonia and Latvia gaining Union membership. Have concepts like regional political and
economic integration, the driving force behind the united coalition, outlasted
their value? Or, was it the fear of a
U.S.-dominated NATO impinging on the sovereignty of France and other European
countries that influenced the vote? It
can be argued that this question at least is irrelevant because France’s negative
vote was more the rejection of President Chirac’s domestic policies rather than
of the Constitution itself.... The EU
leadership will no doubt seek answers to the many questions arising from the
French decision and chalk out measures to keep the Union alive and kicking.
But, meanwhile, for France and other European powers, the coming days are bound
to be agonizing.”
"The French Hiss"
The Economic Times editorialized (5/31): “Any obituary written for the new European
Constitution on the basis of the strong ‘no’ vote in France would be
premature. Much as this is likely to
influence referenda in other European countries, it can’t be assumed that the
tide has irreversibly turned.... It would,
however, be a gross error to dismiss the strong ‘no’ vote as being entirely a
response to domestic problems like rising unemployment. The vote also reflects a belief that the
vision underlying the new constitution won’t help France.... The French vote has given European leaders an
opportunity to create a union that captures the benefits of working closely
together without the pains of being dominated by an over bearing central
authority. It’s to be seen if they have the sensitivity and skills to rise to
this challenge.”
AFRICA
SOUTH AFRICA: "Right
On The Monnet"
Balanced Business Day commented (5/31): “The rejection...by French voters...is a
bitter blow to the credibility and legitimacy of arguably the most ambitious
political project the world has yet witnessed.
More so, perhaps, because the French governing elite have been both the
architects and builders of the EU ever since Jean Monnet conceived it in the
fifties.... The blow is probably more to
French hegemony in much of the EU debate than anything else.... For the poorer countries in Europe, the EU
has been a godsend.... They know...that
there is strength in unity and no one will be more concerned about the French
result now than the Portuguese, the Spanish, the Poles and the Greeks. They understand how a weakened EU weakens
them, and it will be interesting to see in coming months and years whether the
children of the EU can save its founders from themselves.”
WESTERN HEMISPHERE
BRAZIL: "The Victory
Of 'No'"
Liberal Folha de S. Paulo editorialized (5/31): “In terms of European Union, the [French]
vote represents a remarkable setback, even though it is not insurmountable....
To make the scenario a little bit dimmer, the Dutch will vote tomorrow and
according to polls, will also reject the constitution.... The Europeans will
now have two paths: either they bury the proposal of constitution, trying to
save some of its aspects though other means, or the document will be once again
submitted in the near future in the nations that have refused it. In addition to France and the Netherlands,
the British are strong candidates to say ‘no.’
The tough French rejection, however, creates doubts on the feasibility
of reversion of the results even under another government.”
CHILE: "Union With
Self Criticism"
Karin Ebensperger wrote in conservative, influential
newspaper-of-record El Mercurio (6/1):
"The European Union is in itself a success. 60 years ago the world faced the end of a
world war and 16 years ago Europeans were still under the strong hold of Soviet
communism. Today, however, 450 million
Europeans are bound together by an agreement that is more than just an economic
pact.... Many see the current
controversy over the European Constitution and France’s opposition to it as a
weakening of the Union, but it is not.
Europe has always been critical of itself.... In France, domestic matters affected a vote
that was meant to punish President Chirac.
We must not see France’s rejection as a catastrophe. Europeans have deep ties with a process that
began in 1958 and that has taken them to the current European Union.”
COSTA RICA: "Why
France Said No"
Jaime Ordonez observed in influential La Nacion opined
(6/1): “France's rejection of the
European Constitution has been the most important blow the European Union has
suffered in may years and maybe the most traumatic since its foundation
pact. First, because of the enormous and
complicated legitimacy problem implicit in a referendum in one of the founding
members. Second, because of France's
importance and the snowball effect it could have over other EU countries where
economic participation is decisive.
France's decision breaks the Franco-German axis, base of EU development
since its foundation. Besides, the
decision leaves the EU Constitution null and void because it must be ratified
by all 25 members to come into effect.
There seems to be two main reasons for the rejection: 1,Jaime Ordonez a renaissance of a certain historic nationalism, legacy of
chauvanism and xenophobia; 2, the economy, because the economic cost of
creating a plural Europe has been too high.
President Chirac committed a political error by not choosing the
parliamentarian way to approve the EU Constitution. France's rejection of the continental
Constitution should provoke a reflection pause for the EU. This is an uncertain scenario, full of
dilemmas."
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